بنو قریظه

بنی قُریْظه طایفه‌ای یهودی بودند که تا قرن هفتم میلادی در شمال عربستان در حومهٔ یثرب (مدینه) زندگی می‌کردند. در مورد خاستگاه بنی قُریْظه (همانند بقیه یهودیان مدینه) اطلاعات کافی در دست نیست؛ برخی گفته اند آنها نوادگان قبایل یهودی مهاجر بودند و یا، اعرابی که به یهودیت گرویده و در عین پایبندی به یهودیت، با اعراب ازدواج کرده و از بسیاری از آداب آنها تأثیر پذیرفته بودند.[۱][۲] به نظر می‌آید که قبایل یهودی (که اقلیتی از جمعیت مدینه را تشکیل می‌دادند) در کشاورزی پیشتاز بوده‌اند و در دورانی نیز از نظر سیاسی غالب بوده‌اند، ولی قدرت سیاسی آنها بعدها رو به افول گزارده بود.
حدود صد سال قبل از هجرت محمد از مکه به مدینه بین قبایل مختلف مدینه درگیری درگرفته و به تدریج تمامی اهالی مدینه وارد آن شده بودند. در این میان قبایل یهودی گهگاه در جبهه‌های مخالف هم می‌جنگیدند.[۳]

محتویات [نمایش]
هجرت محمد از مکه به مدینه و جنگ احزاب [ویرایش]

یکی از دلائل دعوت محمد به مدینه رفع اختلافات میان گروه‌های درگیر بود. [۴] وقتی محمد از مکه به مدینه هجرت نمود با تهیه میثاقی بین گروه‌های درگیر صلح ایجاد کرد. این میثاق حقوق و وظایف قبایل مدینه نسبت به یکدیگر را مشخص می‌کرد.
در سال پنجم هجرت، متعاقب جنگ‌های بدر و احد، ابوسفیان به کمک قبایل تبعید شده بنی نضیر و بنی قینقاع[۵]، شهر مدینه را با هدف تخریب جامعه مسلمانان محاصره کرد. [۶] مسلمانان به پیشنهاد سلمان فارسی برای مقابله با مهاجمان، خندقی در شمال و غرب مدینه کنده بودند. در طول دو هفته‌ای که مدینه تحت محاصره بود، لشکر احزاب با بنی قُریْظه که در جنوب مدینه ساکن بودند وارد مذاکره شدند و آنان برخلاف پیمانی که با محمد بسته بودند، جانب دشمنان او را گرفتند..[۷] محمد از این موضوع آشفته شده و برخی از رهبران مسلمانان را برای صحبت با آنها فرستاد که نتیجه آن برایش مضطرب کننده بود.[۱] محمد سعی کرد که از به نتیجه رسیدن مذاکرات بین بنی قُریْظه و احزاب جلوگیری کند. مذاکرات نهایتاً بی نتیجه ماند.[۷] در مورد میزان حمایت بنی قُریْظه از احزاب در هنگام جنگ اختلاف نظر وجود دارد.[۸]
ماجرا بر طبق شواهد تاریخی [ویرایش]

در جریان این ماجراها زمانی که محمد و قومش بسیار در سختی بودند که 3 قوم یهودی به نام های :
بنی قینقاع
بنی نضیر
بنی قریظه
بر اساس اسناد تاریخی عهد شکنی کردند و شروع به آزار و اذیت مسلمانان پرداختند ، بر طبق شواهد موجود در جنگ آخر محمد با آخرین قوم یهودی قوم بنی قریظه پس از چند شبیخون شبانه به سمت مسلمانان و ناکامی در جنگ اسیر تکنیک های نظامی علی شده بودند از محمد شکست خوردند .[۹]بعد از جنگ محمد مردانی که به اسلام ایمان اورده بودند به انها خانه و زندگی برای زندگی داد اما دیگر مردان را کشت .دلیل این کار را مسلمانان این گونه پاسخ میدهند که بر اساس اصول اسلامی این افراد محارب شمرده میشدند و زنده نگه بودن آنها بر این اساس که قبلا چندبار عهدشکنی علیه اسلام کرده بودند برای اسلامی که در سخت ترین شرایطش در طول تاریخ به سر میبرد بسیار خطرناک بود[۹]
روایت ابن اسحاق و واقدی از داستان بنی قُریْظه [ویرایش]

هم‌چنین ببینید: نقد روایات ابن اسحاق و واقدی از سرانجام بنی‌قریظه


نقاشی مینیاتور از قرن نوزدهم/ قتلعام قبیله بنی قُریْظه/ اثر محمد رفیع موجود در کتابخانه بریتانیا
پس از بازگشت ابوسفیان (قریش و متحدانش) و، ختم جنگ احزاب، محمد بنی قُریْظه را به خیانت در پیمان‌شان متهم کرده و به همین دلیل آنها را محاصره نمود. بنی قُریْظه نهایتاً تسلیم شدند.
برخی از افراد قبیله اوس از محمد خواستند که با بنی قُریْظه با مدارا برخورد کند. در پی این تقاضا، محمد (با توجه به هم پیمانی بنی قُریْظه و اوس)، پیشنهاد کرد که سعد بن معاذ، از سران قبیله اوس، در مورد بنی قُریْظه قضاوت کند؛ پیشنهادی که مورد موافقت اوس و بنی قُریْظه قرار گرفت.
سعد بن معاذ حکم داد [۱۰]که همهٔ مردان بالغ قبیله کشته شوند، زنان و کودکان را به بردگی گرفته و اموالشان میان مسلمانان تقسیم شود.[۷] محمد این حکم را تأیید کرد. طبق المغازیِ واقدی، محمد این حکم را همان حکمی خواند که خدا دستور داده‌است.[۱۱] بر اساس برخی روایات علی و زبیر با شمشیر سر ۶۰۰ تا ۹۰۰ (برخی گفته‌اند ۶۰۰ تن را کشتند، برخی گفته‌اند ۴۵۰ تن کشته و ۷۵۰ تن اسیر شدند[۱۲]) تن را جدا کردند.[نیازمند منبع]
داستان یهودیان بنی قریظه مربوط به سال پنجم هجری است و باید در متن تاریخی و چهارچوب زمانی خودش نگریسته شود. بدون آشنایی با تغییراتی که محمد و آئین جدیدش در تنظیم رابطه و مناسبات اعراب قبیله نشین پدید آورد، بدون اشراف به خُلق و خوی اعراب، بدون توجه به گفتمان غالب عصر جاهلی، بی اعنتا به عهد و پیمان هایی که مرسوم آن روزگار بود، بدون آگاهی از روال داستان سرایی اعراب که سعی می‌شده شنونده را مرعوب کنند یا داستان را بسیار مهم جلوه دهند [۱۳]و، بدون اطلاع از ویژگی‌های دو قبیله اوس و خزرج و رقابت‌های پنهان و آشکارشان با همدیگر و بسیار مسائل دیگر، نمی‌توان به طور حتم در مورد ماجرای بنی قریظه تنها به چند وقایع نویس که وقایع گوناگونی از این سرگذشت را به ثبت رسانده اند تکیه نمود، بلکه باید در تمامی ابعاد این مسئله را بررسی کرد.
فاصله تاریخی میان راویان و واقعه بنی قریظه نیز اهمیت دارد. قدیمی ترین سندی که به حادثه بنی قریظه اشاره کرده، سیره ابن اسحاق است، ابن اسحاق (محمد بن اسحاق بن یسار) ۱۴۵ سال پس از واقعه از دنیا رفته و محمد بن جریر طبری هم که روایت ابن اسحاق را بی کم و کاست نقل کرده، حدود ۱۵۰ سال پس از وی آمده است.[۱۴] به همین دلیل در رابطه با این سرگذشت باید در تمامی ابعاد به مسائل نگریست، تا بتوان درکی معقول از آن بدست آورد.
اشاره قرآن به جنگ احزاب و اسارت بنی قریظه [ویرایش]

به گفته پطروشفسکی ، آیات 9 تا 25 سوره احزاب ، اشاره روشنی به جنگ احزاب شده است . در آیات 26 و 27[۱۵] سوره احزاب هم به شکست و هزیمت و اسارت قبیله بنی قریظه اشاره شده است (گرچه نام این قبیله نیامده است) [۱۶]
گفتار برخی تواریخ [ویرایش]

در برخی تواریخ[۱۷] چنین آمده:
قبیله اوس که با بنی قریظه پیمان داشتند به پیغمبر گفتند: بنی قُریْظه هم پیمان‌های ما هستند و از کاری که کردند پشیمان شده اند؛ با هم پیمان‌های ما هم مثل هم پیمان‌های خزرج (بنی قَینُقاع) رفتار کن[۱۸]. پیامبر داوری اسیران بنی قریظه را به سعد بن معاذ (رئیس قبیله اوس) واگذار کرد. بنی قُریْظه نیز رضا دادند. در نهایت سعد رأی به این داد که مردان آنان کشته و زنان و فرزندان آنان اسیر گردند.
جستارهای وابسته [ویرایش]

نقد روایات ابن اسحاق و واقدی از سرانجام بنی‌قریظه
داستان بنی قریظه در ترازوی قرآن و تراث روایی
پانویس [ویرایش]

↑ ۱٫۰ ۱٫۱ Watt, W. Montgomery. "Ḳurayẓa , Banū." Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition.
↑ Schöller, Marco. "Qurayẓa (Banū al-)." Encyclopaedia of the Quran.
↑ William Mongomery Watt in The Cambridge history of Islam, Volume 1, p. 39-40
↑ William Mongomery Watt in The Cambridge history of Islam, Volume 1, p. 41
↑ هنگام ظهور اسلام، سه قبیله یهودی (بنی قینقاع، بنی نضیر، بنی قُریْظه) در مدیته سکونت داشتند و علاوه بر آنان گروه هایی از جمله در خیبر و فدک ( شمال مدینه) می‌زیستند. پیشرفت آئین جدید، کار را به نزاع و درگیری کشید و روابط محمد با یهودیان تیره شد و ادامه کشمکش ها به تبعید یهودیان انجامید.
↑ Watt, W. Montgomery (۱۹۵۶). Muhammad at Medina. Oxford University Press, p. 36, 37, 39
↑ ۷٫۰ ۷٫۱ ۷٫۲ Watt, W. Montgomery (New edition 1974),Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman, Oxford University Press, p. 170-172
↑ مقایسه کنید:
Schöller, Marco. "Qurayẓa (Banū al-)." Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān.
William Mongomery Watt in The Cambridge history of Islam, Volume 1, p. 49
Stillman, Norman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book., p. 15, 1979
↑ ۹٫۰ ۹٫۱
واقدی، محمد بن عمر؛ المغازی، ترجمه محمود مهدوی دامغانی، تهران، مرکز نشر دانشگاهی، 1369ش.
عسقلانی، ابن حجر؛ الاصابه فی تمییز الصحابه، بیروت، دار الکتب العلمیه، 1415ق. اول.
شهیدی، سید جعفر؛ تاریخ تحلیلی اسلام، تهران، علمی-فرهنگی،1383ش.،دوم.
صالحی شامی، محمد بن یوسف؛ سبل الهدی و الرشاد، بیروت، دار الکتب العلمیه، 1414ق.
ابن هشام، السیره النبویه، مکتبه محمد علی صبیح و اولاده، بی­جا، 1383ش.
یوسفی غروی، محمد‌هادی؛ موسوعه التاریخ الاسلامی، قم، مجمع الفکر الاسلامی، 1417ق. اول.
طبری، محمد بن جریر؛ تاریخ الطبری، بیروت، موسسه الاعلمی، بی­تا.
المغازی، ج2، ص440 و تاریخ الطبری، ج2، ص233و السیره النبویه(ابن هشام)،ج3، ص700 .
تاریخ الطبری، ج2، ص237.
تاریخ الطبری، ج2، ص237و السیره النبویه(ابن هشام)، ج3، ص705.
تاریخ الطبری، ج2، ص237و السیره النبویه(ابن هشام)، ج3، ص705 و المغازی، ج2، ص 456.
السیره النبویه(ابن هشام)، ج3، ص706 و المغازی، ج2، ص458.
السیره النبویه(ابن هشام)، ج3، ص706 و المغازی، ج2، ص458.
المغازی، ج2، ص460.
↑ دایره المعارف مصاحب (غزوه‌ی بنی قُریْظه)
↑ واقدی، محمد بن عمر. «غزوهٔ بنی‌قریظه». المغازی: تاریخ جنگ‌های پیامبر. تهران: مرکز نشر دانشگاهی. چاپ قدیم.
↑ ترجمه تفسیر المیزان جلد ۱۶ صفحه ۴۵۲
↑ سید جعفر شهیدی، تاریخ تحلیلی اسلام تا پایان امویان، تهران: مرکز نشر دانشگاهی، صفحه ۸۹
↑ سید جعفر شهیدی، تاریخ تحلیلی اسلام تا پایان امویان، تهران: مرکز نشر دانشگاهی، صفحه ۹۰
↑ وَأَنزَلَ الَّذِینَ ظَاهَرُوهُم مِّنْ أَهْلِ الْکِتَابِ مِن صَیَاصِیهِمْ وَقَذَفَ فِی قُلُوبِهِمُ الرُّعْبَ فَرِیقًا تَقْتُلُونَ وَتَأْسِرُونَ فَرِیقًا ﴿26﴾ وَأَوْرَثَکُمْ أَرْضَهُمْ وَدِیَارَهُمْ وَأَمْوَالَهُمْ وَأَرْضًا لَّمْ تَطَؤُوهَا وَکَانَ اللَّهُ عَلَى کُلِّ شَیْءٍ قَدِیرًا ﴿27﴾
↑ اسلام در ایران ، نوشته ایلیاپاولویچ پطروشفسکی ، ترجمه کریم کشاورز ، انتشارات پیام،صفحه 121
↑ نوشته ابن اسحاق، و نقل عین آن در تاریخ طبری
↑ پیامبر آن دسته از اسیران یهود را به عبدالله ابن ابی که هم پیمان آنان بود بخشید
[نهفتن]
ن • ب • و
درگیری‌های صدر اسلام
نیروهای دخیل
اسلام
مهاجرین • انصار • صحابه
ضد اسلام
قریش • بنی‌قینقاع • بنی‌نضیر • بنی‌قریظه
غزوه‌ها
الابواء • بواط • عشیره • سفوان • بدر الکبرى • بنی‌سلیم • بنی‌قینقاع • سویق • ذی‌امر • بحران • احد • حمراءالاسد • بنی‌نضیر • ذات‌الرقاع • بدرالاخره • دومةالجندل • بنی‌المصطلق • احزاب • بنی‌قریظه • بنی‌لحیان • ذی‌قرد • صلح حدیبیه • خیبر • مؤته • عمرةالقضاء • فتح مکه • حنین • طائف • تبوک
رده‌ها: یهودیان تاریخ اسلام جنگ‌های محمد

قس عربی

غزوة بنی قریظة هی غزوة شنها الرسول محمد فی السنة الخامسة للهجرة على یهود من بنی قریظة فی المدینة المنورة إنتهت باستسلام بنی قریظة بشرط التحکیم فحکم علیهم سعد بن معاذ (بموافقة الرسول) بقتل الرجال وسبی الذراری والنساء وتقسیم أموالهم وأراضیهم على المسلمین.
[عدل]أسباب المعرکة

السبب کان غدر بنی قریظة بالمسلمین فی غزوة الخندق رغم العهود والمواثیق التی کانت بین المسلمین وبنی قریظة (راجع غزوة الخندق)
کیف بدأت غزوة بنی قریظة؟
رجع الرسول من الخندق بعد صلاة الصبح وذهب إلى بیته بعد غیاب قرابة الشهر، وبعد عناء کبیر ومشقة بالغة واغتسل، فإذا بجبریل قد جاء عند الظهر فقال له: قد وضعت السلاح؟! والله ما وضعناه. أی: نحن الملائکة لم نضعه بعد.
بل فی روایة عن السیدة عائشة فی الطبری تقول: فکأنی برسول یمسح الغبار عن وجه جبریل. أی أن جبریل کان یقاتل قتالاً حقیقیًّا فی أرض المعرکة.
قال جبریل: اخْرُجْ إِلَیْهِمْ.
قال النبی : "فَأَیْنَ؟"فأشار إلى بنی قریظة.
وفی روایة أن جبریل قال: "فَإِنِّی سَائِرٌ أَمَامَکَ أُزَلْزِلُ بِهِمْ حُصُونَهُمْ، وَأَقْذِفُ فِی قُلُوبِهِمُ الرُّعْبَ".
وهکذا سار جبریل فی موکبه من الملائکة، أما الرسول فقد أمر المسلمین بالتوجه السریع إلى بنی قریظة، لم یمهلهم حتى یرتاحوا بعد هذا الشهر الصعب من الحرب والحصار، الراحة هناک فی الجنة أما الدنیا فدار عمل، قال لهم: "لاَ یُصَلِّیَنَّ أَحَدُکُمُ الْعَصْرَ إِلاَّ فِی بَنِی قُرَیْظَةَ".
وهکذا اجتمع الرسول والصحابة فی ثلاثة آلاف مقاتل (غیر الملائکة) فی حصار بنی قریظة، واستمر الحصار خمسًا وعشرین لیلة.
هل نتصور أن یستمر الحصار کل هذه المدة، بعد جهد ومشقة کان المسلمون فیها منذ شهر بأکمله، ألا یزال بوسعهم أن یحاصروا الیهود، بل ویتحولون من محاصَرین إلى محاصِرین، لقد تغیر الحال فی لحظات من الهزیمة إلى النصر.
مَا بَیْنَ طَرْفَةِ عَیْنٍ وَانْتِبَاهَتِهَا *** یُبَدِّلُ اللَّهُ مِنْ حَالٍ إلى حَـالٍ
وفی نهایة ذلک الحصار قذف الله الرعب فی قلوب الیهود، فاستسلموا وخضعوا لحکم رسول الله مع أنهم کان بإمکانهم المطاولة فی الحصار، فأمر رسول الله بهم أن یقیدوا، وقیدوا فعلاً، فجاءت الأوس إلى رسول الله، وکانوا محالفین لبنی قریظة فی الجاهلیة، فقالوا‏:‏ یا رسول الله، قد فعلت فی بنی قینقاع ما قد علمت، وهم حلفاء إخواننا الخزرج، وهؤلاء موالینا، فأحسن فیهم.
فقال‏: "‏أَلاَ تَرْضَوْنَ أَنْ یَحْکُمَ فِیهِمْ رَجُلٌ مِنْکُمْ‏؟"
‏ قالوا‏: بلى.
‏ قال‏: "فَذَاکَ إلى سَعْدِ بْنِ مُعَاذٍ".
‏ قالوا‏:‏ قد رضینا.
فأرسل رسول الله فی طلب سعد بن معاذ؛ لأنه کان فی المدینة، لإصابته البالغة التی تعرض لها فی الأحزاب، فجاء راکبًا حمارًا، فالتف حوله الأوس، وقالوا له: یا سعد، أجمل فی موالیک، فأحسن فیهم؛ فإن رسول الله قد حکمک لتحسن فیهم، وهو ساکت لا یرجع إلیهم شیءًا، فلما أکثروا علیه قال‏: لقد آن لسعد ألا تأخذه فی الله لومة لائم.
فلما سمعوا ذلک منه رجع بعضهم إلى المدینة فنعى لهم القوم.
ولما انتهى سعد إلى النبی قال للصحابة‏: "قُومُوا إلى سَیِّدِکُمْ".
فلما أنزلوه قالوا‏:‏ یا سعد، إن هؤلاء قد نزلوا على حکمک.
قال‏:‏ وحکمی نافذ علیهم‏؟‏
قالوا‏:‏ نعم.
قال‏:‏ وعلى المسلمین‏؟‏
قالوا‏:‏ نعم.
قال‏:‏ وعلى من هاهنا‏؟‏ وأعرض بوجهه وأشار إلى ناحیة رسول الله إجلالاً له وتعظیمًا‏.
قال‏:‏ "نَعَمْ، وَعَلَیَّ".
‏ قال‏:‏ فإنی أحکم فیهم أن یقتل الرجال، وتسبى الذریة، وتقسم الأموال.
فقال رسول الله ‏:‏ ‏"لَقَدْ حَکَمْتَ فِیهِمْ بِحُکْمِ اللَّهِ مِنْ فَوْقِ سَبْعِ سَمَوَاتٍ".
وعلى الفور بدأ المسلمون بتنفیذ حکم سعدٍ، فجمعوا الرجال، فقتلوهم، وهکذا قتل من الیهود أربعمائة رجل وفی روایة سبعمائة، وقتل مع هؤلاء شیطان بنی النضیر، وأحد أکابر مجرمی معرکة الأحزاب حیی بن أخطب والد صفیة أم المؤمنین رضی الله عنها، وکان قد دخل مع بنی قریظة فی حصنهم حین رجعت عنهم قریش وغطفان؛ وفاء لکعب بن أسد بما کان عاهده علیه حینما جاء یثیره على الغدر والخیانة أیام غزوة الأحزاب، فلما أتی به، وعلیه حُلَّة قد شقها من کل ناحیة بقدر أنملة لئلا یُسْلَبَها، مجموعة یداه إلى عنقه بحبل، قال لرسول الله ‏:‏ أما والله ما لمت نفسی فی معاداتک، ولکن من یُغالب الله یُغْلَب.
ثم قال‏: أیها الناس، لا بأس بأمر الله، کتاب وقَدَر ومَلْحَمَة کتبها الله على بنی إسرائیل، ثم جلس، فضربت عنقه، فقتل.‏
وخرج تلک اللیلة عمرو بن سعدى، وکان رجلاً لم یدخل مع بنی قریظة فی غدرهم برسول الله، أی أن القتل کان للغادرین فقط، فمن لم یغدر معهم، لم یقتله المسلمون، فرآه محمد بن مسلمة قائد الحرس النبوی، فخلى سبیله حین عرفه، فلم یعلم أین ذهب‏؟‏
ولیس هناک مجال للقول أنه کان هناک تجاوز فی العقاب الذی وقع بالیهود فی بنی قریظة، فإن هذا ما کانوا یریدون فعله بالمؤمنین منذ أیام قلیلة مع کونهم کانوا على العهد، والجزاء من جنس العمل ولا یحق المکر السیئ إلا بأهله.
وفاة سعد بن معاذ
وسبحان الله! بعد ما انتهت قصة بنی قریظة استجاب الله لدعوة العبد الصالح سعد بن معاذ، فانفجر جرحه وسالت منه الدماء حتى خرجت من خارج خیمته لیلقى ربه سعیدًا راضیًا، ویکفیه ما قاله فی حقه کما جاء فی البخاری، وفی الصحیحین عن جابر أن رسول الله قال‏: ‏"اهْتَزَّ عَرْشُ الرَّحْمَنِ لِمَوْتِ سَعْدِ بْنِ مُعَاذٍ".
وصحح الترمذی من حدیث أنس قال‏:‏ لما حملت جنازة سعد بن معاذ قال المنافقون‏:‏ ما أخف جنازته، فقال رسول الله ‏: ‏"إِنَّ الْمَلَائِکَةَ کَانَتْ تَحْمِلُهُ".‏
ذلک أن قیمته عظیمة جدًّا فی الإسلام، وعند المسلمین، على الرغم من أن کل عمره فی الإسلام لم یتجاوز الست سنوات، إلا أن إنجازه یعجز أن یفعله الکثیرون فی أعمار طویلة.
الخلاصة
هذه قصة الأحزاب وبنی قریظة، لقد کانت موقعة عجیبة بلا قتال تقریبًا، وکفى الله المؤمنین القتال، ولکنها کانت امتحانًا عظیمًا لم یثبت فیه إلا الصادق حقًّا، وکانت فی نفس الوقت غزوة فارقة، فرقت بین مرحلتین رئیسیتین فی السیرة، فما قبل الأحزاب شیء وما بعد الأحزاب شیء آخر.
فقبل الأحزاب کان الاضطراب والقلق والمشاکل الکثیرة وعدم الاستقرار، أما بعد الأحزاب فقد نضجت الدولة الإسلامیة نضوجًا جعلها قادرة على الوقوف بصلابة فی وجه کل أعدائها، لقد رسخت الأحزاب أقدام المسلمین فی الجزیرة, ولم یجرؤ بعد ذلک أحد على تحدی هذا الکیان الصلب الجدید.
لقد کان الرسول عمیقًا جدًّا فی تحلیله غزوة الأحزاب بعد رحیل الکفار حیث قال: "الآنَ نَغْزُوهُمْ وَلاَ یَغْزُونَا، نَحْنُ نَسِیرُ إِلَیْهِمْ".
لقد کانت ما بین الهجرة والأحزاب فترة تأسیس الدولة الإسلامیة، أما الفترة التی ستأتی بعد الأحزاب فستکون فترة تمکین دین الله فی الأرض، سنرى فیهاصلح الحدیبیة وفتح خیبر ومؤتة وفتح مکة وحنین وتبوک.
سنرى فیها المراسلات إلى ملوک العالم وأمرائه.
سنرى فیها انتشار دین الله فی المدن والبوادی.
سنرى فیها تسابق الوفود لإعلان إسلامهم بین یدی الحبیب.
ستکون فترة سعیدة حقًّا، وکل أحداث السیرة سعیدة، وکیف لا، وهی حیاة أفضل العالمین، وخیر البشر، وسید الدعاة، وإمام الأنبیاء.
[عدل]مصادر

http://www.islamprophet.ws/ref/200
"الرحیق المختوم" للمبارکفوری (352-357)
"ابن هشام" (3/183-218)،
"سبل الهدى والرشاد فی سیرة خیر" العباد للصالحی (5/3-29)،
"عیون الأثر فی سیرة خیر البشر" لابن سید الناس (2/103-117)،
"السیرة النبویة فی ضوء المصادر الأصلیة" لمهدی رزق الله أحمد (459-464).
موقع قصة الإسلام http://islamstory.com/
[عدل]مراجع


قبلها:
غزوة الخندق غزوات الرسول
غزوة بنی قریظة
بعدها:
غزوة بنی لحیان
[أظهر]ع · ن · ت
غزوات الرسول
یوجد فی ویکی مصدر کتب أصلیة تتعلق بـ: غزوة بنی قریظة
تصنیفات: مقالات للتدقیق اللغوی منذ ینایر 2012معارک العصر النبویغزوات الرسول محمدقبائل الیهودیة العربیة

قس


غزوة بنی قریظة هی غزوة شنها الرسول محمد فی السنة الخامسة للهجرة على یهود من بنی قریظة فی المدینة المنورة إنتهت باستسلام بنی قریظة بشرط التحکیم فحکم علیهم سعد بن معاذ (بموافقة الرسول) بقتل الرجال وسبی الذراری والنساء وتقسیم أموالهم وأراضیهم على المسلمین.
[عدل]أسباب المعرکة

السبب کان غدر بنی قریظة بالمسلمین فی غزوة الخندق رغم العهود والمواثیق التی کانت بین المسلمین وبنی قریظة (راجع غزوة الخندق)
کیف بدأت غزوة بنی قریظة؟
رجع الرسول من الخندق بعد صلاة الصبح وذهب إلى بیته بعد غیاب قرابة الشهر، وبعد عناء کبیر ومشقة بالغة واغتسل، فإذا بجبریل قد جاء عند الظهر فقال له: قد وضعت السلاح؟! والله ما وضعناه. أی: نحن الملائکة لم نضعه بعد.
بل فی روایة عن السیدة عائشة فی الطبری تقول: فکأنی برسول یمسح الغبار عن وجه جبریل. أی أن جبریل کان یقاتل قتالاً حقیقیًّا فی أرض المعرکة.
قال جبریل: اخْرُجْ إِلَیْهِمْ.
قال النبی : "فَأَیْنَ؟"فأشار إلى بنی قریظة.
وفی روایة أن جبریل قال: "فَإِنِّی سَائِرٌ أَمَامَکَ أُزَلْزِلُ بِهِمْ حُصُونَهُمْ، وَأَقْذِفُ فِی قُلُوبِهِمُ الرُّعْبَ".
وهکذا سار جبریل فی موکبه من الملائکة، أما الرسول فقد أمر المسلمین بالتوجه السریع إلى بنی قریظة، لم یمهلهم حتى یرتاحوا بعد هذا الشهر الصعب من الحرب والحصار، الراحة هناک فی الجنة أما الدنیا فدار عمل، قال لهم: "لاَ یُصَلِّیَنَّ أَحَدُکُمُ الْعَصْرَ إِلاَّ فِی بَنِی قُرَیْظَةَ".
وهکذا اجتمع الرسول والصحابة فی ثلاثة آلاف مقاتل (غیر الملائکة) فی حصار بنی قریظة، واستمر الحصار خمسًا وعشرین لیلة.
هل نتصور أن یستمر الحصار کل هذه المدة، بعد جهد ومشقة کان المسلمون فیها منذ شهر بأکمله، ألا یزال بوسعهم أن یحاصروا الیهود، بل ویتحولون من محاصَرین إلى محاصِرین، لقد تغیر الحال فی لحظات من الهزیمة إلى النصر.
مَا بَیْنَ طَرْفَةِ عَیْنٍ وَانْتِبَاهَتِهَا *** یُبَدِّلُ اللَّهُ مِنْ حَالٍ إلى حَـالٍ
وفی نهایة ذلک الحصار قذف الله الرعب فی قلوب الیهود، فاستسلموا وخضعوا لحکم رسول الله مع أنهم کان بإمکانهم المطاولة فی الحصار، فأمر رسول الله بهم أن یقیدوا، وقیدوا فعلاً، فجاءت الأوس إلى رسول الله، وکانوا محالفین لبنی قریظة فی الجاهلیة، فقالوا‏:‏ یا رسول الله، قد فعلت فی بنی قینقاع ما قد علمت، وهم حلفاء إخواننا الخزرج، وهؤلاء موالینا، فأحسن فیهم.
فقال‏: "‏أَلاَ تَرْضَوْنَ أَنْ یَحْکُمَ فِیهِمْ رَجُلٌ مِنْکُمْ‏؟"
‏ قالوا‏: بلى.
‏ قال‏: "فَذَاکَ إلى سَعْدِ بْنِ مُعَاذٍ".
‏ قالوا‏:‏ قد رضینا.
فأرسل رسول الله فی طلب سعد بن معاذ؛ لأنه کان فی المدینة، لإصابته البالغة التی تعرض لها فی الأحزاب، فجاء راکبًا حمارًا، فالتف حوله الأوس، وقالوا له: یا سعد، أجمل فی موالیک، فأحسن فیهم؛ فإن رسول الله قد حکمک لتحسن فیهم، وهو ساکت لا یرجع إلیهم شیءًا، فلما أکثروا علیه قال‏: لقد آن لسعد ألا تأخذه فی الله لومة لائم.
فلما سمعوا ذلک منه رجع بعضهم إلى المدینة فنعى لهم القوم.
ولما انتهى سعد إلى النبی قال للصحابة‏: "قُومُوا إلى سَیِّدِکُمْ".
فلما أنزلوه قالوا‏:‏ یا سعد، إن هؤلاء قد نزلوا على حکمک.
قال‏:‏ وحکمی نافذ علیهم‏؟‏
قالوا‏:‏ نعم.
قال‏:‏ وعلى المسلمین‏؟‏
قالوا‏:‏ نعم.
قال‏:‏ وعلى من هاهنا‏؟‏ وأعرض بوجهه وأشار إلى ناحیة رسول الله إجلالاً له وتعظیمًا‏.
قال‏:‏ "نَعَمْ، وَعَلَیَّ".
‏ قال‏:‏ فإنی أحکم فیهم أن یقتل الرجال، وتسبى الذریة، وتقسم الأموال.
فقال رسول الله ‏:‏ ‏"لَقَدْ حَکَمْتَ فِیهِمْ بِحُکْمِ اللَّهِ مِنْ فَوْقِ سَبْعِ سَمَوَاتٍ".
وعلى الفور بدأ المسلمون بتنفیذ حکم سعدٍ، فجمعوا الرجال، فقتلوهم، وهکذا قتل من الیهود أربعمائة رجل وفی روایة سبعمائة، وقتل مع هؤلاء شیطان بنی النضیر، وأحد أکابر مجرمی معرکة الأحزاب حیی بن أخطب والد صفیة أم المؤمنین رضی الله عنها، وکان قد دخل مع بنی قریظة فی حصنهم حین رجعت عنهم قریش وغطفان؛ وفاء لکعب بن أسد بما کان عاهده علیه حینما جاء یثیره على الغدر والخیانة أیام غزوة الأحزاب، فلما أتی به، وعلیه حُلَّة قد شقها من کل ناحیة بقدر أنملة لئلا یُسْلَبَها، مجموعة یداه إلى عنقه بحبل، قال لرسول الله ‏:‏ أما والله ما لمت نفسی فی معاداتک، ولکن من یُغالب الله یُغْلَب.
ثم قال‏: أیها الناس، لا بأس بأمر الله، کتاب وقَدَر ومَلْحَمَة کتبها الله على بنی إسرائیل، ثم جلس، فضربت عنقه، فقتل.‏
وخرج تلک اللیلة عمرو بن سعدى، وکان رجلاً لم یدخل مع بنی قریظة فی غدرهم برسول الله، أی أن القتل کان للغادرین فقط، فمن لم یغدر معهم، لم یقتله المسلمون، فرآه محمد بن مسلمة قائد الحرس النبوی، فخلى سبیله حین عرفه، فلم یعلم أین ذهب‏؟‏
ولیس هناک مجال للقول أنه کان هناک تجاوز فی العقاب الذی وقع بالیهود فی بنی قریظة، فإن هذا ما کانوا یریدون فعله بالمؤمنین منذ أیام قلیلة مع کونهم کانوا على العهد، والجزاء من جنس العمل ولا یحق المکر السیئ إلا بأهله.
وفاة سعد بن معاذ
وسبحان الله! بعد ما انتهت قصة بنی قریظة استجاب الله لدعوة العبد الصالح سعد بن معاذ، فانفجر جرحه وسالت منه الدماء حتى خرجت من خارج خیمته لیلقى ربه سعیدًا راضیًا، ویکفیه ما قاله فی حقه کما جاء فی البخاری، وفی الصحیحین عن جابر أن رسول الله قال‏: ‏"اهْتَزَّ عَرْشُ الرَّحْمَنِ لِمَوْتِ سَعْدِ بْنِ مُعَاذٍ".
وصحح الترمذی من حدیث أنس قال‏:‏ لما حملت جنازة سعد بن معاذ قال المنافقون‏:‏ ما أخف جنازته، فقال رسول الله ‏: ‏"إِنَّ الْمَلَائِکَةَ کَانَتْ تَحْمِلُهُ".‏
ذلک أن قیمته عظیمة جدًّا فی الإسلام، وعند المسلمین، على الرغم من أن کل عمره فی الإسلام لم یتجاوز الست سنوات، إلا أن إنجازه یعجز أن یفعله الکثیرون فی أعمار طویلة.
الخلاصة
هذه قصة الأحزاب وبنی قریظة، لقد کانت موقعة عجیبة بلا قتال تقریبًا، وکفى الله المؤمنین القتال، ولکنها کانت امتحانًا عظیمًا لم یثبت فیه إلا الصادق حقًّا، وکانت فی نفس الوقت غزوة فارقة، فرقت بین مرحلتین رئیسیتین فی السیرة، فما قبل الأحزاب شیء وما بعد الأحزاب شیء آخر.
فقبل الأحزاب کان الاضطراب والقلق والمشاکل الکثیرة وعدم الاستقرار، أما بعد الأحزاب فقد نضجت الدولة الإسلامیة نضوجًا جعلها قادرة على الوقوف بصلابة فی وجه کل أعدائها، لقد رسخت الأحزاب أقدام المسلمین فی الجزیرة, ولم یجرؤ بعد ذلک أحد على تحدی هذا الکیان الصلب الجدید.
لقد کان الرسول عمیقًا جدًّا فی تحلیله غزوة الأحزاب بعد رحیل الکفار حیث قال: "الآنَ نَغْزُوهُمْ وَلاَ یَغْزُونَا، نَحْنُ نَسِیرُ إِلَیْهِمْ".
لقد کانت ما بین الهجرة والأحزاب فترة تأسیس الدولة الإسلامیة، أما الفترة التی ستأتی بعد الأحزاب فستکون فترة تمکین دین الله فی الأرض، سنرى فیهاصلح الحدیبیة وفتح خیبر ومؤتة وفتح مکة وحنین وتبوک.
سنرى فیها المراسلات إلى ملوک العالم وأمرائه.
سنرى فیها انتشار دین الله فی المدن والبوادی.
سنرى فیها تسابق الوفود لإعلان إسلامهم بین یدی الحبیب.
ستکون فترة سعیدة حقًّا، وکل أحداث السیرة سعیدة، وکیف لا، وهی حیاة أفضل العالمین، وخیر البشر، وسید الدعاة، وإمام الأنبیاء.
[عدل]مصادر

http://www.islamprophet.ws/ref/200
"الرحیق المختوم" للمبارکفوری (352-357)
"ابن هشام" (3/183-218)،
"سبل الهدى والرشاد فی سیرة خیر" العباد للصالحی (5/3-29)،
"عیون الأثر فی سیرة خیر البشر" لابن سید الناس (2/103-117)،
"السیرة النبویة فی ضوء المصادر الأصلیة" لمهدی رزق الله أحمد (459-464).
موقع قصة الإسلام http://islamstory.com/
[عدل]مراجع


قبلها:
غزوة الخندق غزوات الرسول
غزوة بنی قریظة
بعدها:
غزوة بنی لحیان
[أظهر]ع · ن · ت
غزوات الرسول
یوجد فی ویکی مصدر کتب أصلیة تتعلق بـ: غزوة بنی قریظة
تصنیفات: مقالات للتدقیق اللغوی منذ ینایر 2012معارک العصر النبویغزوات الرسول محمدقبائل الیهودیة العربیة

قس انگلیسی

The Banu Qurayza (Arabic: بنی قریظة; بنو قریظة‎ alternate spellings include Quraiza, Qurayzah, Quraytha, and the archaic Koreiza) were a Jewish tribe which lived in northern Arabia, at the oasis of Yathrib (presently known as Medina), until the 7th century. In February/March of 627 AD, their conflict with Muhammad led to a 25-day siege of Banu Qurayza ending in the tribe's surrender.[1] The Banu Qurayza refused to submit to Muhammad's judgment and so asked the Auws, (also spelled Aws) tribe to intervene on their behalf. Muhammad not wanting to antagonize the Auws deferred the issue to them. The leaders of Banu Qurayza were gathered and were asked by the Auws what the punishment is for a traitor in their own religion. They bowed their heads and stated according to the Torah the punishment is death. So on the order of Sa'd ibn Mua'dth (leader of the Auws tribe), the men were executed, while the women and children were enslaved. [2] There is much debate about the number executed with some estimating that around 400-900 men were beheaded, [3] while the Sunni hadith simply state that all male members were killed, without specifying a figure, and one woman.[4]

Jewish tribes reportedly arrived in Hijaz in the wake of the Jewish-Roman wars and introduced agriculture, putting them in a culturally, economically and politically dominant position.[5][6] However, in the 5th century, the Banu Aws and the Banu Khazraj, two Arab tribes that had arrived from Yemen, gained dominance.[7] When these two tribes became embroiled in conflict with each other, the Jewish tribes, now clients[6][8] or allies[7] of the Arabs, fought on different sides, the Qurayza siding with the Aws.[9]

In 622, the Islamic prophet Muhammad arrived at Yathrib from Mecca and reportedly established a compact between the conflicting parties.[5][10][11] While the city found itself at war with Muhammad's native Meccan tribe of the Quraysh, tensions between the growing numbers of Muslims and the Jewish communities mounted.[9]

In 627, when the Quraysh and their allies besieged the city in the Battle of the Trench, the Qurayza entered into negotiations with the besiegers.[12] Subsequently, the tribe was charged with treason and besieged by the Muslims commanded by Muhammad.[13][14] The Banu Qurayza were overtaken and most of the men, apart from those who surrendered (many of whom converted to Islam in order to save their lives), were beheaded, while all the women and children were taken captive and enslaved.[13][14][14][15][16][17] Some authors have challenged the veracity of this incident, arguing that it was exaggerated or invented.[18][19][20]

Contents [show]
[edit]History in pre-Islamic Arabia

[edit]Early history
Extant sources provide no conclusive evidence whether the Banu Qurayza were ethnically Jewish or Arab converts to Judaism.[5] Just like the other Jews of Yathrib, the Qurayza claimed to be of Israelite descent[7] and observed the commandments of Judaism, but adopted many Arab customs and intermarried with Arabs.[5] They were dubbed the "priestly tribe" (kahinan in Arabic from the Hebrew kohanim).[8][21] Ibn Ishaq, the author of the traditional Muslim biography of Muhammad, traces their genealogy to Aaron and further to Abraham[22] but gives only eight intermediaries between Aaron and the purported founder of the Qurayza tribe.[5]

In the 5th century CE, the Qurayza lived in Yathrib together with two other major Jewish tribes: Banu Qaynuqa and Banu Nadir.[5] Al-Isfahani writes in his 10th century collection of Arabic poetry that Jews arrived in Hijaz in the wake of the Jewish-Roman wars; the Qurayza settled in Mahzur, a wadi in Al Harrah.[23] The 15th century Muslim scholar Al-Samhudi lists a dozen of other Jewish clans living in the town of which the most important one was Banu Hadl, closely aligned with the Banu Qurayza. The Jews introduced agriculture to Yathrib, growing date palms and cereals,[5] and this cultural and economic advantage enabled the Jews to dominate the local Arabs politically.[6] Al-Waqidi wrote that the Banu Qurayza were people of high lineage and of properties, "whereas we were but an Arab tribe who did not possess any palm trees nor vineyards, being people of only sheep and camels." Ibn Khordadbeh later reported that during the Persian domination in Hijaz, the Banu Qurayza served as tax collectors for the shah.[6]

[edit]Account of the king of Himyar
Ibn Ishaq tells of a conflict between the last Yemenite King of Himyar[24] and the residents of Yathrib. When the king was passing by the oasis, the residents killed his son, and the Yemenite ruler threatened to exterminate the people and cut down the palms. According to Ibn Ishaq, he was stopped from doing so by two rabbis from the Banu Qurayza, who implored the king to spare the oasis because it was the place "to which a prophet of the Quraysh would migrate in time to come, and it would be his home and resting-place". The Yemenite king thus did not destroy the town and converted to Judaism. He took the rabbis with him, and in Mecca, they reportedly recognized Kaaba as a temple built by Abraham and advised the king "to do what the people of Mecca did: to circumambulate the temple, to venerate and honor it, to shave his head and to behave with all humility until he had left its precincts." On approaching Yemen, tells Ibn Ishaq, the rabbis demonstrated to the local people a miracle by coming out of a fire unscathed and the Yemenites accepted Judaism.[22][25]

[edit]Arrival of the Aws and Khazraj
The situation changed after two Arab tribes named Banu Aws and Banu Khazraj arrived to Yathrib from Yemen. At first, these tribes were clients of the Jews, but toward the end of the 5th century CE, they revolted and became independent.[7] Most modern historians accept the claim of the Muslim sources that after the revolt, the Jewish tribes became clients of the Aws and the Khazraj.[6][8] William Montgomery Watt however considers this clientship to be unhistorical prior to 627 and maintains that the Jews retained a measure of political independence after the Arab revolt.[7]

Eventually, the Aws and the Khazraj became hostile to each other. They had been fighting possibly for around a hundred years before 620 and at least since 570s.[9] The Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza were allied with the Aws, while the Banu Qaynuqa sided with the Khazraj.[26] There are reports of the constant conflict between Banu Qurayza and Banu Nadir, the two allies of Aws, yet the sources often refer to these two tribes as “brothers”.[27] Aws and Khazraj and their Jewish allies fought a total of four wars.[7] The last and bloodiest altercation was the Battle of Bu'ath,[7] the outcome of which was inconclusive.[7][9]

The Qurayza appear as a tribe of considerable military importance: they possessed large numbers of weaponry, as upon their surrender 1,500 swords, 2,000 lances, 300 suits of armor, and 500 shields were later seized by the Muslims.[28][29] Kister notes that these quantities are "disproportionate relative to the number of fighting men" and conjectures that the "Qurayza used to sell (or lend) some of the weapons kept in their storehouses". He also mentions that the Qurayza were addressed as Ahlu al-halqa ("people of the weapons") by the Quraysh and notes that these weapons "strengthened their position and prestige in the tribal society".[29]

[edit]Arrival of Muhammad

Main article: Migration to Medina
The continuing feud between the Aws and the Khazraj was probably the chief cause for several emissaries to invite Muhammad to Yathrib in order to adjudicate in disputed cases.[7][9] Ibn Ishaq recorded that after his arrival in 622, Muhammad established a compact, the Constitution of Medina, which committed the Jewish and Muslim tribes to mutual cooperation. The nature of this document as recorded by Ibn Ishaq and transmitted by Ibn Hisham is the subject of dispute among modern historians, many of whom maintain that this "treaty" is possibly a collage of agreements, of different dates, and that it is not clear when they were made.[5][10][11] Watt holds that the Qurayza and Nadir were probably mentioned in an earlier version of the Constitution requiring the parties not to support an enemy against each other.[5]

Aside from the general agreements, the chronicles by Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi contain a report that after his arrival, Muhammad signed a special treaty with the Qurayza chief Ka'b ibn Asad. Ibn Ishaq gives no sources, while al-Waqidi refers to Ka’b ibn Malik of Salima, a clan hostile to the Jews, and Mummad ibn Ka’b, the son of a Qurayza boy who was sold into slavery in the aftermath of the siege and eventually became a Muslim. Among modern historians, R. B. Serjeant supports the historicity of this document and suggests that the Jews knew "of the penalty for breaking faith with Muhammad".[30] On the other hand, Norman Stillman argues that the Muslim historians had invented this agreement in order to justify the subsequent treatment of the Qurayza.[31] Watt also rejects the existence of such a special agreement but notes that the Jews were bound by the aforementioned general agreement and by their alliance to the two Arab tribes not to support an enemy against Muhammad.[5] Serjeant agrees with this and opines that the Qurayza were aware of the two parts of a pact made between Muhammad and the Jewish tribes in the confederation according to which "Jews having their religion and the Muslims having their religion excepting anyone who acts wrongfully and commits crime/acts treacherously/breaks an agreement[clarification needed], for he but slays himself and the people of his house."[30]

During the first few months after Muhammad's arrival in Medina, the Banu Qurayza were involved in a dispute with the Banu Nadir: The more powerful Nadir rigorously applied Lex talionis against the Qurayza while not allowing it being enforced against themselves. Further, the blood money paid for killing a man of the Qurayza was only half of the blood-money required for killing a man of the Nadir,[32] placing the Qurayza in a socially inferior position. The Qurayza called on Muhammad as arbitrator, who delivered the surah 5:42-45 and judged that the Nadir and Qurayza should be treated alike in the application of lex talionis and raised the assessment of the Qurayza to the full amount of blood money.[30][33][34]

Tensions quickly mounted between the growing numbers of Muslims and Jewish tribes, while Muhammad found himself at war with his native Meccan tribe of the Quraysh. In 624, after his victory over the Meccans in the Battle of Badr, Banu Qaynuqa assaulted a Muslim woman which led to their expulsion from Medina for breaking the peace treaty of Constitution of Medina.[35][36] The Qurayza remained passive during the whole Qaynuqa affair, apparently because the Qaynuqa were historically allied with the Khazraj, while the Qurayza were the allies of the Aws.[37]

Soon afterwards, Muhammad came into conflict with the Banu Nadir. He had one of the Banu Nadir's chiefs, the poet Ka'b ibn al-Ashraf, assassinated[38] and after the Battle of Uhud accused the tribe of treachery and plotting against his life and expelled them from the city.[39] The Qurayza remained passive during this conflict, according to R. B. Serjeant because of the blood money issue related above.[30]

[edit]Battle of the Trench

Main article: Battle of the Trench
In 627, the Meccans, accompanied by tribal allies as well as the Banu Nadir[40][41] - who had been very active in supporting the Meccans[42] - marched against Medina - the Muslim stronghold - and laid siege to it. It is unclear whether their treaty with Muhammad obliged the Qurayza to help him defend Medina, or merely to remain neutral,[12] according to Ramadan, they had signed an agreement of mutual assistance with Muhammad.[14] The Qurayza did not participate in the fighting - according to David Norcliffe, because they were offended by attacks against Jews in Muhammad's preaching - but lent tools to the town's defenders.[43] According to Al-Waqidi, the Banu Qurayza helped the defense effort of Medina by supplying spades, picks, and baskets for the excavation of the defensive trench the defenders of Medina had dug in preparation.[31] According to Watt, the Banu Qurayza "seem to have tried to remain neutral" in the battle[44] but later changed their attitude when a Jew from Khaybar persuaded them that Muhammad was sure to be overwhelmed[12] and though they did not commit any act overtly hostile to Muhammad, according to Watt,[5] they entered into negotiations with the invading army.[44]

Ibn Ishaq writes that during the siege, the Qurayza readmitted Huyayy ibn Akhtab, the chief of the Banu Nadir whom Muhammad had exiled and who had instigated the alliance of his tribe with the besieging Quraysh and Ghatafan tribes.[34] According to Ibn Ishaq, Akhtab persuaded the Qurayza chief Ka'b ibn Asad to help the Meccans conquer Medina. Ka'b was, according to Al-Waqidi's account, initially reluctant to break the contract and argued that Muhammad never broke any contract with them or exposed them to any shame, but decided to support the Meccans after Huyayy had promised to join the Qurayza in Medina if the besieging army would return to Mecca without having killed Muhammad.[45] Ibn Kathir and al-Waqidi report that Huyayy tore into pieces the agreement between Ka'b and Muhammad.[5][46]

Rumors of this one-sided renunciation of the pact spread and were confirmed by Muhammad's emissaries, Sa'd ibn Mua'dh and Sa'd ibn Ubadah, leading men of the Aws and Khazraj respectively. Sa'd ibn Mua'dh reportedly issued threats against the Qurayza but was restrained by his colleague.[47] As this would have allowed the besiegers to access the city and thus meant the collapse of the defenders' strategy,[14] Muhammad "became anxious about their conduct and sent some of the leading Muslims to talk to them; the result was disquieting."[5] According to Ibn Ishaq, Muhammad sent Nuaym ibn Masud, a well-respected elder of the Ghatafan who had secretly converted to Islam, to go to Muhammad's enemies and sow discord among them. Nuaym went to the Qurayza and advised them to join the hostilities against Muhammad only if the besiegers provide hostages from among their chiefs. He then hurried to the invaders and warned them that if the Qurayza asked for hostages, it is because they intended to turn them over to the Medinan defenders. When the representatives of the Quraysh and the Ghatafan came to the Qurayza, asking for support in the planned decisive battle with Muhammad, the Qurayza indeed demanded hostages. The representatives of the besiegers refused, breaking down negotiations[48][49] and resulting in the Banu Qurayza becoming extremely distrustful of the besieging army.[13] The Qurayza did not take any actions to support them until the besieging forces retreated.[31] Thus the threat of a second front against the defenders never materialised.[44]

[edit]Siege and surrender

Main article: Invasion of Banu Qurayza
After the Meccans' withdrawal, Muhammad then led his forces against the Banu Qurayza neighborhood. According to the Muslim tradition, he had been asked to do so by the angel Gabriel. The Banu Qurayza retreated into their stronghold and endured the siege for 25 days. As their morale waned, Ka'b ibn Asad suggested three alternative ways out of their predicament: embrace Islam; kill their own children and women, then rush out for a charge to either win or die; or make a surprise attack on the Sabbath. The Banu Qurayza accepted none of these alternatives. Instead they asked to confer with Abu Lubaba, one of their allies from the Aws. According to Ibn Ishaq, Abu Lubaba felt pity for the women and children of the tribe who were crying and when asked whether the Qurayza should surrender to Muhammad, advised them to do so. However he also "made a sign with his hand toward his throat, indicating that [their fate] at the hands of the Prophet would be slaughter".[50][51][52][53] The next morning, the Banu Qurayza surrendered and the Muslims seized their stronghold and their stores.[12][54] The men - numbering between 400 and 900[29][50] - were bound and placed under the custody of Muhammad ibn Maslamah, who had killed Ka'b ibn al-Ashraf, while the women and children - numbering about 1,000[29] - were placed under Abdullah ibn Sallam, a former rabbi who had converted to Islam.[55][56]

However Ibn Sa'd gives the following account:

"The Apostle of Allah, may Allah bless him, authorised Sa'd ibn Mu'adh to give a decision about them. He passed an order: He who is subjected to razors (i.e. the male) should be killed, women and children should be enslaved and property should be distributed. Thereupon the Apostle of Allah, may Allah bless him, said: You have decided in confirmation to the judgement of Allah, above the seven heavens. The Apostle of Allah, may Allah bless him, returned on Thursday 7 Dhu al- Hijjah. Then he commanded them to be brought into al-Madinah where ditches were dug in the market. The Apostle of Allah, may Allah bless him, sat with his Companions and they were brought in small groups. Their heads were struck off."

[edit]Demise of the Banu Qurayza

Main article: Invasion of Banu Qurayza
The circumstances of the Qurayza's demise has been related by Ibn Ishaq and other Muslim historians. According to Watt, Peters and Stillman, the Qurayza surrendered to Muhammad's judgement[12][50][51][52] - a move Watt classifies as unconditional.[12] The Aws, who wanted to honor their old alliance with the Qurayza, asked Muhammad to treat the Qurayza leniently as he had previously treated the Qaynuqa for the sake of Ibn Ubayy. (Arab custom required support of an ally, independent of the ally's conduct to a third party.) Muhammad then suggested to bring the case before an arbitrator chosen from the Aws, to which both the Aws and the Qurayza agreed to. Muhammad then appointed Sa'd ibn Mua'dh (a chief among the Aws) to decide the fate of the Jewish tribe.[12][50][51][52][57] According to Hashmi, Buchanan and Moore, the tribe agreed to surrender on the condition of a Muslim arbitrator of their choosing.[58] According to Khadduri (also cited by Abu-Nimer), "both parties agreed to submit their dispute to a person chosen by them"[59][60] in accordance with the Arabian tradition of arbitration.[60] Muir holds that the Qurayza surrendered on the condition that "their fate was decided by their allies, the Bani Aws".[55][61]

In all accounts, the appointed arbitrator was Sa'd ibn Mua'dh, a leading man among the Aws. During the Battle of the Trench, he had been one of Muhammad's emissaries to the Quarayza (see above)[55] and now was dying from a wound he had received later in the battle.[50][51][52][57] When Sa'd arrived, his fellow Aws pleaded for leniency towards the Qurayza and on his request pledged that they would abide by his decision.[13] He then decreed the sentence according to the Torah, declaring that "the men should be killed, the property divided, and the women and children taken as captives". Muhammad approved of the ruling, calling it similar to "God's" judgment.[50][51][52][57] Chirāgh ʼAlī (1885) argues that this statement may have referred to "king" or "ruler" rather than God.[62]

Sa'd dismissed the pleas of the Aws, according to Watt because being close to death and concerned with his afterlife, he put what he considered "his duty to God and the Muslim community" before tribal allegiance.[12] Tariq Ramadan argues that Muhammad deviated from his earlier, more lenient treatment of prisoners as this was seen "as sign of weakness if not madness",[56] Peterson concurs that the Muslims wanted to deter future treachery by setting an example with severe punishment.[13] Lings reports that Sa'ad feared that if expelled, the Qurayza would join the Nadir in the fight against the Muslims.[17]

Stillman claims that Muhammad chose Sa'd so as not to pronounce the judgment himself, after the precedents he had set with the Banu Qaynuqa and the Banu Nadir: "Sa`d took the hint and condemned the adult males to death and the hapless women and children to slavery." Furthermore, Stillman infers from Abu Lubaba's gesture that Muhammad had decided the fate of the Qurayza even before their surrender.[31]

Ibn Ishaq describes the killing of the Banu Qurayza men as follows:

“ Then they surrendered, and the apostle confined them in Medina in the quarter of d. al-Harith, a woman of B. al-Najjar. Then the apostle went out to the market of Medina (which is still its market today) and dug trenches in it. Then he sent for them and struck off their heads in those trenches as they were brought out to him in batches. Among them was the enemy of Allah Huyayy b. Akhtab and Ka`b b. Asad their chief. There were 600 or 700 in all, though some put the figure as high as 800 or 900. As they were being taken out in batches to the apostle they asked Ka`b what he thought would be done with them. He replied, 'Will you never understand? Don't you see that the summoner never stops and those who are taken away do not return? By Allah it is death!' This went on until the apostle made an end of them. Huyayy was brought out wearing a flowered robe in which he had made holes about the size of the finger-tips in every part so that it should not be taken from him as spoil, with his hands bound to his neck by a rope. When he saw the apostle he said, 'By God, I do not blame myself for opposing you, but he who forsakes God will be forsaken.' Then he went to the men and said, 'God's command is right. A book and a decree, and massacre have been written against the Sons of Israel.' Then he sat down and his head was struck off.[50][51][63] ”
Several accounts note Muhammad's companions as executioners, Ali and Al-Zubayr in particular, and that each clan of the Aws was also charged with killing a group of Qurayza men.[29][53] Subhash Inamdar argues that this was done in order to avoid the risk of further conflicts between Muhammad and the Aws. According to Inamdar, Muhammad wanted to distance himself from the events and, had he been involved, he would have risked alienating some of the Aws.[53]

It is also reported that one woman, who had thrown a millstone from the battlements during the siege and killed one of the Muslim besiegers, was also beheaded along with the men.[64] Ibn Asakir writes in his History of Damascus that the Banu Kilab, a clan of Arab clients of the Banu Qurayza, were killed alongside the Jewish tribe.[65]

Three boys of the clan of Hadl, who had been with Qurayza in the strongholds, slipped out before the surrender and converted to Islam. The son of one of them, Muhammad ibn Ka'b al-Qurazi, gained distinction as a scholar. One or two other men also escaped.

The spoils of battle, including the enslaved women and children of the tribe, were divided up among the Islamic warriors that had participated in the siege and among the emigrees from Mecca (who had hitherto depended on the help of the Muslims native to Medina.[66][67]

Mohammad collected one-fifth of the booty, the amount which then is paid as Islamic tax to be distributed to the poor and needy.[68]

As part of his share of the spoils, Muhammad selected one of the women, Rayhana, for himself and took her as part of his booty.[67] Muhammad offered to free and marry her and according to some sources she accepted his proposal, while according to others she rejected it and remained the Prophet's slave and concubine.[69] She is said to have later become a Muslim.[5]

Some of the women and children of the Banu Qurayza who were enslaved by the Muslims were later bought by Jews,[12] in particular the Banu Nadir. Peterson argues that this is because the Nadir felt responsible for the Qurayza's fate due to the role of their chieftain in the events.[13]

[edit]The revisionist approach
Walid N. Arafat and Barakat Ahmad have disputed that the Banu Qurayza were killed on quite such a large scale.[18] Arafat disputes large-scale killings and argued that Ibn Ishaq gathered information from descendants of the Qurayza Jews, who embellished or manufactured the details of the incident. He states "on examination, details of the story can be challenged. It can be demonstrated that the assertion that 600 or 800 or 900 men of Banu Qurayza were put to death in cold blood can not be true; that it is a later invention; and that it has its source in Jewish traditions." Arafat relates the testimony of Ibn Hajar, who denounced this and other accounts as "odd tales" and quoted Malik ibn Anas, a contemporary of Ibn Ishaq, whom he rejected as a "liar", an "impostor" and for seeking out the Jewish descendants for gathering information about Muhammad's campaign with their forefathers.[19][20]

Ahmad argues that only some of the tribe were killed, while some of the fighters were merely enslaved.[70]

Watt finds Arafat's arguments "not entirely convincing",[5] while Meir J. Kister has contradicted[clarification needed] the arguments of Arafat and Ahmad.[71]

[edit]Analysis
The Qur'an briefly refers to the incident in Surah 33:26[19] and Muslim jurists have looked upon Surah 8:55-58 as a justification of the treatment of the Banu Qurayza, arguing that the Qurayza broke their pact with Muhammad, and thus Muhammad was justified in repudiating his side of the pact and killing the Qurayza en masse.[51]

Arab Muslim theologians and historians[who?] have either viewed the incident as "the punishment of the Medina Jews, who were invited to convert and refused, perfectly exemplify the Quran's tales of what happened to those who rejected the prophets of old" or offered a political, rather than religious, explanation.[72]

In the 8th and early 9th century many Muslim jurists, such as Ash-Shafii, based their judgments and decrees supporting collective punishment for treachery on the accounts of the demise of the Qurayza, with which they were well acquainted.[73] However, the proceedings of Muhammad with regard to the Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza were not taken as the premier model for the relationship of Muslim states toward its Jewish subjects.[74][75][76][77][clarification needed][78]

Paret[79] and Watt[12][80] say that the Banu Qurayza were killed not because of their faith but for "treasonable activities against the Medinan community".[12] Watt relates that "no important clan of Jews was left in Medina"[12] but he and Paret also note that Muhammad did not clear all Jews out of Medina.[79][80][81]

Aiming at placing the events in their historical context, Watt points to the "harsh political circumstances of that era"[12] and argues that the treatment of Qurayza was regular Arab practice.[82] Similar statements are made by Stillman,[31] Paret,[79] Lewis[83] and Rodinson.[67] On the other hand, Michael Lecker and Irving Zeitlin consider the events "unprecedented in the Arab peninsula - a novelty" and state that "prior to Islam, the annihilation of an adversary was never an aim of war."[65][84] Similar statements are made by Hirschberg[85] and Baron.[86]

[edit]References in literature

The fate of the Banu Qurayza became the subject of Shaul Tchernichovsky's Hebrew poem Ha-aharon li-Venei Kuraita (The Last of the Banu Qurayza).[8]

[edit]See also

Rules of war in Islam
Muhammad as a general
Jihad
Criticism of Islam
Criticism of Muhammad
[edit]Notes

^ List of Battles of Muhammad
^ Emerick, Yahiya. "Muhammad" (Critical Lives Series), 2002, pp 225-226
^ Arafat, W.N. "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1976, pp 100-107
^ Abu Dawud 14:2665
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Watt, Encyclopaedia of Islam, "Kurayza, Banu".
^ a b c d e Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 192f.
^ a b c d e f g h i Watt, Encyclopaedia of Islam, "Al-Madina".
^ a b c d Encyclopedia Judaica, "Qurayza".
^ a b c d e Watt, "Muhammad", in: The Cambridge History of Islam.
^ a b Firestone, Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam, p. 118, 170. For opinions disputing the early date of the Constitution of Medina, see e.g., Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 119.
^ a b Alford Welch, Encyclopaedia of Islam, "Muhammad".
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Watt, Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman, p. 170-176.
^ a b c d e f Peterson, Muhammad: the prophet of God, p. 125-127.
^ a b c d e Ramadan, In the Footsteps of the Prophet, p. 140f.
^ Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, vol. 1, p. 191.
^ Brown, A New Introduction to Islam, p. 81.
^ a b Lings, Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources, p. 229-233.
^ a b Meri, Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia, p. 754.
^ a b c Arafat, "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina", p. 100-107. Arafat relates the testimony of Ibn Hajar, who denounced this and other accounts as "odd tales" and quoted Malik ibn Anas, a contemporary of Ibn Ishaq, whom he rejected as a "liar", an "impostor" and for seeking out the Jewish descendants for gathering information about Muhammad's campaign with their forefathers.
^ a b Nemoy, "Barakat Ahmad's "Muhammad and the Jews"", p. 325. Nemoy is sourcing Ahmad's Muhammad and the Jews.
^ Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book, p. 9.
^ a b Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah, p. 7-9.
^ Serjeant, "The "Sunnah Jami'ah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the "Tahrim" of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Called Constitution of Medina", p. 2f.
^ Muslim sources usually referred to Himyar kings by the dynastic title of "Tubba".
^ Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 49f.
^ For alliances see Guillaume, p. 253.
^ Encyclopedia of the Qur'an, "Qurayza (Banu)".
^ Heck, "Arabia Without Spices: An Alternate Hypothesis", p. 547-567.
^ a b c d e Kister, "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza", p. 93f.
^ a b c d Serjeant, p. 36.
^ a b c d e Stillman, p. 14-16.
^ Ananikian, "Tahrif or the alteration of the bible according to the Moslems", p. 63-64.
^ Guillaume, p. 267-268.
^ a b Nomani, Sirat al-Nabi, p. 382.
^ Guillaume 363, Stillman 122, ibn Kathir 2
^ Watt (1956), p. 209.
^ See e.g. Stillman, p. 13.
^ Rubin, "The Assassination of Kaʿb b. al-Ashraf", p. 65-71.
^ Stillman, p. 14.
^ F. Donner: "Muhammad's Political Consolidation in Arabia up to the Conquest of Mecca", The Muslim World 69 (1979), p. 233.
^ V. Vacca, Encyclopedia of Islam, "Banu Nadir".
^ Bernard Lewis, The Political Language of Islam, p. 191.
^ Norcliffe, Islam: Faith and Practice, p. 21.
^ a b c Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 36-38.
^ Guillaume, p. 453.
^ See also above for the critical view on the historicity of this treaty.
^ Muir, A Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Hegira, chapter XVII, p. 259f.
^ Guillaume, p. 458f.
^ Ramadan, p. 143.
^ a b c d e f g Guillaume, p. 461-464.
^ a b c d e f g Peters, Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 222-224.
^ a b c d e Stillman, p. 137-141.
^ a b c Inamdar, Muhammad and the Rise of Islam, p. 166f.
^ These included weapons, household goods, utensils, camels and cattle. The stored wine was spilled. See Kister, p. 94.
^ a b c Muir, p. 272-274.
^ a b Ramadan, p. 145.
^ a b c Adil, Muhammad: The Messenger of Islam, p. 395f.
^ Hashmi, Buchanan & Moore, States, Nations, and Borders: The Ethics of Making Boundaries.
^ Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law of Islam, p. 233f.
^ a b Abu-Nimer, "A Framework for Nonviolence and Peacebuilding in Islam", p. 247.
^ Muir (p. 272-274) rejects as unlikely the view that the Qurayza surrendered to Muhammad (as later espoused by Watt) as well accounts that the besieged Jews, refusing to surrender to Muhammad, instead named Sa'd as alternative and subsequently surrendered to him.
^ Chirāgh ʼAlī, A critical exposition of the popular "jihád," Thacker, Spink and Company, Calcutta, 1885, p.38.Critical Exposition of Popular Jihad
^ Stillman, p. 141f.
^ Muir (p. 277) follows Hishami and also refers to Aisha, who had related: "But I shall never cease to marvel at her good humor and laughter, although she knew that she was to die." (Ibn Ishaq, Biography of Muhammad).
^ a b Lecker, "On Arabs of the Banū Kilāb executed together with the Jewish Banū Qurayza", p. 69.
^ Kister, "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza", p. 95f.
^ a b c Rodinson, Muhammad: Prophet of Islam, p. 213.
^ "Khums".
^ Ramadan, p. 146.
^ Ahmad, p. 85-94.
^ Kister, "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza".
^ Peters, Islam. A Guide for Jews and Christians, p. 77.
^ Kister, The Massacre of the Banū Quraiza, p. 66.
^ Handwörterbuch des Islam, "Ahl al-Kitab".
^ Ayoub, "Dhimmah in Qur'an and Hadith", p. 179; Sahih al-Bukhari, Book 23, Number 475 and Volume 5, Book 57, Number 50) as authorities.
^ Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, "Ahl al-Kitab.
^ Lewis, The Jews of Islam, p. 32.
^ Khadduri, p. 175.
^ a b c Paret, Mohammed und der Koran, p. 122-124.
^ a b Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 217-218.
^ The Encyclopedia Judaica (Vol. XI, col. 1212) estimates the Jewish population of Medina at 8,000 to 10,000. Barakat Ahmad (p. 43) calls this an understatement and calculates that there still remained 24,000 to 28,000 Jews in Medina, after the demise of the Qurayza. These figures are cited by Peters (Muhammad and the Origins of Islam, p. 301 (note 41): "According to Ahmad, whose estimate of the Jewish population at 36,000-42,000 has already been cited, the departure of the Banu Nadir and the decimation of the Banu Qurayza would still have left between 24,000-28,000 Jews at Medina.") but are disputed by Reuven Firestone ("The failure of a Jewish program of public satire in the squares of Medina"). Watt (Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman, p. 175f.) describes the remaining Jews as "several small groups".
^ Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 296.
^ Bernard Lewis: The Political Language of Islam. University of Chicago Press, 1991. p.191
^ Zeitlin, The Historical Muhammad, p. 133.
^ Hirschberg, Yisrael Ba'Arav, p. 146.
^ Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews. Volume III: Heirs of Rome and Persia, p. 79.
[edit]Literature

[edit]General references
Encyclopaedia of Islam. Ed. P. Bearman et al., Leiden: Brill, 1960-2005.
Encyclopedia Judaica (CD-ROM Edition Version 1.0). Ed. Cecil Roth. Keter Publishing House, 1997. ISBN 965-07-0665-8
Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam. Ed. Hamilton A. R. Gibb, Johannes Hendrik Kramers. Leiden:Brill, 1953.
Handwörterbuch des Islam. Ed. A. J. Wensinck, J. H. Kramers. Leiden: Brill, 1941.
[edit]Jewish tribes
Arafat, W. N. (1976). "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland (Cambridge University Press for the Royal Asiatic Society) (1976) (2): 100–107. ISSN 1356-1863. LCCN 80000755 sn 80012917 sf 80000755 sn 80012917. Also: JSTOR PDF image link
Ahmad, Barakat, Muhammad and the Jews, a Re-examination, New Delhi. Vikas Publishing House for Indian Institute of Islamic Studies. 1979
Baron, Salo Wittmeyer. A Social and Religious History of the Jews. Volume III: Heirs of Rome and Persia. Columbia University Press, 1957.
Firestone, Reuven, "The failure of a Jewish program of public satire in the squares of Medina", in: Judaism (Fall 1997).
Hirschberg, Hayyim Ze'ev, Yisrael Ba'Arav. Tel Aviv: Mossad Bialik, 1946.
Kister, Meir J. (1986). "The Massacre of the Banu Quraiza. A re-examination of a tradition". Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (Magnes Press, Hebrew University of Jerusalem) 8: 61–96. ISSN 0334-4118. LCCN //r842 80646496 //r842.
Lecker, Michael, "On Arabs of the Banū Kilāb executed together with the Jewish Banū Qurayza", in: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 19 (1995), p. 69.
Newby, Gordon Darnell, A History of the Jews of Arabia: From Ancient Times to Their Eclipse Under Islam (Studies in Comparative Religion). University of South Carolina Press, 1988.
Lewis, Bernard, The Jews of Islam. Princeton University Press, 2004.
Lewis, Bernard, The Political Language of Islam, University of Chicago Press, 1991.
Nemoy, Leon, "Barakat Ahmad's "Muhammad and the Jews"", in: The Jewish Quarterly Review, New Series, vol. 72, No. 4. (April 1982), p. 325.
Rubin, Uri, "The Assassination of Kaʿb b. al-Ashraf", Oriens 32 (1990), p. 65-71.
Serjeant, R. B., "The "Sunnah Jami'ah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the "Tahrim" of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Called Constitution of Medina", in: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 41 (1978), p. 1-42.
Stillman, Norman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America (1979). ISBN 0-8276-0198-0
[edit]Further reading
Bat Ye'or, The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians under Islam. London: Associated University Presses, 1985.
Lecker, Michael, Jews and Arabs in Pre- And Early Islamic Arabia. Ashgate Publishing, 1999.
[edit]Background: Muhammad, Islam and Arabia
Abu-Nimer, Mohammed, "A Framework for Nonviolence and Peacebuilding in Islam", in: Journal of Law and Religion Volume 15, No. 1/2 (2000–2001), p. 217-265.
Adil, Hajjah Amina, Muhammad: The Messenger of Islam. Islamic Supreme Council of America, 2002.
Ananikian, M. H., "Tahrif or the alteration of the bible according to the Moslems", in: The Muslim World Volume 14, Issue 1 (January 1924), p. 63-64.
Ayoub, Mahmoud, "Dhimmah in Qur'an and Hadith", in: Arab Studies Quarterly 5 (1983), p. 179.
Brown, Daniel W., A New Introduction to Islam. Blackwell Publishing, 2003. ISBN 0-631-21604-9
Firestone, Reuven, Jihad: The Origin of Holy War in Islam. Oxford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0-19-512580-0
Guillaume, Alfred, The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah. Oxford University Press, 1955. ISBN 0-19-636033-1
Hashmi, Sohail H., Buchanan, Allen E. & Moore, Margaret, States, Nations, and Borders: The Ethics of Making Boundaries. Cambridge University Press, 2003.
Hawting, Gerald R. & Shareef, Abdul-Kader A., Approaches to the Qur'an. Routledge, 1993. ISBN 0-415-05755-8
Heck, Gene W., "Arabia Without Spices: An Alternate Hypothesis", in: Journal Of The American Oriental Society 123 (2003), p. 547-567.
Hodgson, Marshall G.S., The Venture of Islam. University of Chicago Press, 1974.
Inamdar, Subhash, Muhammad and the Rise of Islam: The Creation of Group Identity. Psychosocial Press, 2001.
Khadduri, Majid, War and Peace in the Law of Islam. John Hopkins Press, 1955.
Lings, Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources, p. 229-233.[clarification needed]
Meri, Josef W., Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia. Routledge, 2005. ISBN 0-415-96690-6.
Muir, William, A Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Hegira, vol. 3. London: Smith, Elder & Co, 1861.
Nomani, Shibli, Sirat al-Nabi. Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1970.
Norcliffe, David, Islam: Faith and Practice. Sussex Academic Press, 1999.
Paret, Rudi, Mohammed und der Koran. Geschichte und Verkündigung des arabischen Propheten.
Peters, Francis E., Muhammad and the Origins of Islam. State University of New York Press, 1994. ISBN 0-7914-1875-8.
Peters, Francis E., Islam. A Guide for Jews and Christians. Princeton University Press, 2003.
Peterson, Daniel C., Muhammad: the prophet of God. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans, 2007.
Ramadan, Tariq, In the Footsteps of the Prophet. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
Rodinson, Maxime, Muhammad: Prophet of Islam, Tauris Parke Paperbacks, 2002. ISBN 1-86064-827-4
Watt, William Montgomery, "Muhammad", in: The Cambridge History of Islam, vol. 1. Cambridge University Press, 1970.
Watt, William Montgomery, Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman. Oxford University Press, 1961.
Watt, William Montgomery, Muhammad at Medina, 1956.
Zeitlin, Irving, The Historical Muhammad. Polity Press 2007. ISBN 0-7456-3998-4
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